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Confronted by a plethora of conflicting claims about gender relations and behavior in the popular and prehistoric literature, I would like to examine the types of evidence that are most useful in inferring prehistoric gender behavior. The target information concerns women's and men's behavior, the relative status of men and women, and their relative power in prehistory. I have been preoccupied by the question of how gender- related activities might be identified in the prehistoric record for over two decades. While carrying out ethnoarchaeology among Australian Aboriginals, I attempted to determine if there were specific types of stone tools that might be associated with women (Hayden 1. This concern was again raised in terms of bipolar flaking techniques (Hayden 1. I also examined ethnographies in regard to the sexual division of labor and gender mobility patterns among hunter/gatherers (Hayden 1. I attempted to determine if single- gender households could be identified in Highland Maya communities from material inventories during ethnoarchaeological work (Hayden and Cannon 1. I have examined women's status among ethnographic hunter/gatherers in relation to ecological variables, particularly in relation to resource stress (Hayden et al. It is hunter/gatherers that interest me most, and I will primarily focus on problems associated with gender interpretations at this level of cultural organization. At the level of prehistoric hunter/gatherers, can past gender behavior, status, or attitudes be reliable inferred? I believe they can, although considerable future research is required. The remainder of this article is a discussion of the ways in which such interpretations can be most reliably established. Approaches to the Problem. There are two basic approaches that can be used in dealing with gender issues: nomothetic (theoretical generalizations) and particularistic. From the prehistoric perspective, particularistic explanations are not very useful because they tend to be highly subjective ad hoc formulations that do not lend themselves to testing or certification. Page 3. 4. As I have argued elsewhere (Hayden and Cannon 1. Like quantum- level particles, individual behavior is often variable or difficult to predict on the basis of laws or principles. In contrast, aggregate human behavior, like averaged atomic counterparts, conforms much more closely to general principles especially where there are issues of self- interest, economy of effort, material benefits, and short vs long term gain. When considered in aggregate, i. Prehistory is primarily the study of changes in average behavior, or in community wide behavior. Group size, levels of violence, use of exotic vs. We see the dominant trends in human behavior, the major concerns, themes and solutions adopted by the average person in groups as well as ranges of variability. Although we must assume that an individual made a particular stone tool, or sustained a particular injury, or killed a particular animal, specific individuals can rarely be identified, followed, or be assigned values for other parameters. The ideas, values and rules that motivate individuals are as elusive as they are idiosyncratically variable. Even in the case of individual burials, it is often not the character or life- attributes of the buried individual that are reflected in the grave goods and grave elaboration so much as the character of the group responsible for doing the burying. The community or the household, not the individual, is the most productive focus for prehistory. It is difficult to see how concentrating on the individual will advance our understanding of gender patterns in the past. There are simply too many possible explanations and motivations for individual material expressions; and no way has been suggested for testing such interpretations archaeologically. The material products of berdechic male activities cannot be distinguished from real females if they act the same as females. Due to the many other randomizing factors that blur patterning in the archaeological record, occasional arrowheads made by females cannot be distinguished from those made, used, or abandoned by males; nor would a few female manufactured arrowheads significantly change any statistical inferences based on the much larger number of arrowheads made, used, and abandoned by males. Occasional hunting by women would be almost impossible to identify in communities, nor would it be significant or important for prehistorians unless it were a routine type of women's activity. Almost all communities tolerate low levels of many kinds of idiosyncratic behavior on the part of a few individuals. Given all these factors, it is not surprising that what prehistorians can see most clearly, and what is most important from an ecological viewpoint, are the general trends, the most common practices, and the overall changes in group behavior. Changes in the behavior of entire groups imply that strong forces are at work capable of influencing large numbers of people, whether in terms of their residence, hunting practices, submission to hierarchical control, trade, kinship reckoning, or gender relationships. General patterns or principles are difficult enough to discern, substantiate, and explain. Particularistic events are far more difficult to deal with. Yet, appeals to particularistic and culture- determined gender roles tend to dominate much recent theoretical discussion of gender (cf. Conkey and Spector 1. Unless there are good, causally sound theories to back up particularistic conclusions, they will always be suspect. What kinds of approaches have the most potential for generating sound theories and generalizations? I suggest that there are and will discuss six fundamental approaches that have been used: comparative ethnographies, skeletal and mortuary studies, early texts, art and mythology, physiological studies, comparative zoology and gross physiology. Comparative Ethnographies. One major approach for inferring gender roles among Pleistocene as well as post- Pleistocene populations is the use of comparative ethnographies. Within the last 4. While such analyses must be carried out with caution due to the ecological variability and historical changes that may have affected ethnographic hunter/gatherer societies (as demonstrated by the debate about the Bushmen. Conkey and Spector (1. While these criticisms contain a germ of truth, they. Strong patterning between ethnographically recorded gender behavior and independent variables such as environment cannot be explained if there are pervasive or systematic androcentric biases in the ethnographic data base (see Hayden et al. To try to totally vitiate the present ethnographic data base with nothing to fill the void other than vague programmatic plans for future ethnographic work is counterproductive. The consistency of some observations on ethnographic generalized hunter/ gatherers in terms of sharing (Winterhalder 1. Tiger 1. 97. 0: 2. Hayden 1. 98. 1), irrespective of historical conditions, is a strong argument that such responses would also have characterized prehistoric groups of fully sapient human hunter/gatherers. Moreover, some plausible causal explanations for these types of behavior can be found in evolutionary ecology and cultural ecology. Few other paradigms can claim as much success in explaining these patterns. Within the comparative ethnographic approach, one of the keys to making significant progress in gender studies may be to refine causal theories to account for the sexual division of labor and the relative intensity of its development. There are numerous suggestions as to precisely why the sexual division of labor has emerged among hunter/gatherers (see Hayden 1. Hurtado et al.'s 1. The sexual division of labor in which hunter/gatherer males hunt, make war, and engage in other exclusively male activities (Frayser 1. This pattern may even imply that the cross- cultural preponderance of hunter/gatherer males in public forums and in dealings with non- local groups (Tiger 1. Wilson 1. 97. 8: 1. Rodseth et al. 1. Although some researchers have questioned the universality of the sexual division of labor among hunter/gatherers, (Conkey and Spector 1. Goodman et al., n. Leacock 1. 97. 8) or tried to deny that a clear pattern exists, there is little general doubt that this patterning of gender behavior is the expression of a fundamental principle of organization of hunter/gatherer societies and even more complex traditional societies. In more complex traditional societies, sex exclusive tasks include: lumbering, boatbuilding, stoneworking, mining, metalworking, bonesetting, and shell, bone or horn crafts. These are exclusively performed by men in traditional societies the world over (Murdock and Provost 1. Such patterns, together with the potential use of axes in combat, make it highly likely, for instance, that the fine axes which are featured so prominently in the high status Neolithic tumuli and ideology of Brittany (Patton 1. These strong cross- cultural patterns are among some of the best foundations that can be hoped for in modeling prehistoric gender behavior. PARTIRONO PRETI TORNARONO.. CURATI - Film (1. VOTO DEL PUBBLICOGrazie del tuo voto. 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I would HIGHLY recommend the Toyota 4 Runner to just about anyone, but I recommend purchasing the 1. I would rather drive my 4. Runner than my full size 2. Ford crew cab diesel truck, and it is an outstanding vehicle also. Research and compare the 1992 Toyota 4Runner and get MSRP, invoice price, used car book values, expert reviews, photos, features, pros and cons, equipment, specs. Today's crossword puzzle clue is a quick one: Runner of 1992. We will try to find the right answer to this particular crossword clue. Let's find possible answers to 'Runner of 1992' crossword clue. First of all, we will look for a few extra hints for this entry: Runner of 1992. Cars compared to 1992 Toyota 4Runner People researching a 1992 Toyota 4Runner contacted a dealer about. Want to get many years and miles of use from your 1992 Toyota 4Runner? You can do it when you maintain and repair it with our replacement engine parts. |
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December 2016
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